Archives for posts with tag: Medicaid Expansion

I don’t think I’m alone in occasionally feeling discouraged in my ability, as an individual, to make some positive change in the face of powerful corporate interests. A few recent events have allowed me to reflect on this feeling and given me some guidance in how to proceed.

The first was a recent lobby day organized by some very inspiring, intelligent, and thoughtful first and second year med students at my school. It was organized by VCU‘s chapters of Physicians for a National Health Program (PNHP) and American Medical Student Association (AMSA), with some help from National Physicians Alliance. The goal was to advocate for closing the coverage gap in Virginia – expanding Medicaid. They set up appointments for us with some extremely difficult targets, so I knew it had the potential to be tougher than some other lobby days I’d participated in. Having grown up in the South, I wasn’t surprised at the undertones of sexism and condescension (ie., referring to adult, professional women as “honey” and “girls,” etc.) I even expected the ideological arguments grounded not in published research or testimony from health policy experts, but in pure opinion. Del. Orrock, an otherwise friendly, likable man who probably is great at his job as a high school ag teacher (bet you don’t have those up North!) remarked that he wouldn’t support Medicaid expansion because the program didn’t adequately ensure “personal responsibility” in enrollees. Never mind the economic arguments (Virginia is losing $5 million dollars a day for a projected total of $2.8 billion), the health outcomes arguments (over 7,100 deaths attributable to consequences of no healthcare access), or the fact that Medicaid expansion is primarily targeted toward people who aren’t (obviously) already covered by Medicaid – mostly the working poor. I tried emphasizing that I have seen many patients with illnesses that aren’t a result of lifestyle, and that we are all vulnerable to disease and death. The idea that people don’t value health care because it’s free and visit the doctor – what, for fun? – on a whim is not really even worth entertaining as a serious reason to inform public policy. I wonder whether people even believe that, or if they just latched onto that idea as a way to resolve their cognitive dissonance about how doing the morally and economic right thing would jeopardize their position as a Republican legislator. Then there was the meeting with Del. O’Bannon, a member of the Medicaid Innovation and Reform Commission (MIRC), the group currently charged with making the decision to expand Medicaid. He also refused to support this expansion without “significant reforms” though didn’t specify what, exactly, those reforms would be. It was a tiresome meeting. 

We did meet a well-dressed, attractive young woman who answered some of our questions about the general assembly process though – she was a lobbyist for Pfizer.

One thoughtful grad student in another profession remarked when I described my lobby day experience to her that it can be useful to talk to representatives just to remind us that there isn’t but so much that can be accomplished inside of the system. It’s true – I was pleasant but serious, balanced listening with speaking, and did all of the “right” things during the lobby day, but I’m not sure how much difference it made. It is very useful for these representatives to know that future physicians are paying attention and educating themselves on these issues; it’s clear we care deeply. But that may be more of a long-term strategy. Using a variety of tactics to accomplish change is something that I continue to grow increasingly respectful of.

The second is my participation in an elective at my school that is designed to introduce students to the workings of a large health insurance corporation (I won’t mention which one it is, but it’s probably not too difficult to figure out.) I signed a non-disclosure agreement to not report their proprietary information, and I won’t do a huge med student expose on my experiences because a) I don’t want to jeopardize the chances of them not offering the elective for other med students and b) my integrity is very important to me – I said I wouldn’t reveal specifics in exchange for the incredible opportunity to spend time learning what goes on there (or more likely, how they present what goes on there), and I won’t do it. So, very generally, I will say that it is difficult to envision disengaging our health care system from these huge, entangled webs of companies that offer very little value outside of what is being accomplished already by CMS. That isn’t to say the employees aren’t talented, thoughtful people who have much to offer to society – and who could easily offer it in the public sector instead. Very often when meeting with them I feel extremely sad that such bright people are being used by the company for the ultimate aim of keeping them ahead of their competitors. If this results in great patient care, that’s wonderful, but if not, money is what matters. Publicly-traded for-profit companies have but one obligation – to increase the wealth of their shareholders.

One common misconception about those who seek to limit the overreaching powers of corporations – It’s not that these companies can NEVER benefit society, it’s just that in instances when benefiting society conflicts with making money, the bottom line always wins.

I’m currently working on a review article about the impact of cost-sharing (deductibles, copays, etc) on low-income Americans, ie., the people targeted via Medicaid expansion. Getting acclimated with the literature in this area has been a combination of frustrating and inspiring. On the one hand, there’s so much clear evidence that imposing extra costs on poor people doesn’t improve their health or save money that it’s unbelievable there is still so much support for these types of policies. On the other hand, it’s incredibly inspiring to read about the brave actions that researchers have taken in conservative states. Some people have really aligned themselves with the poor, putting their reputations and careers on the line. They’re not really famous, they don’t have movies coming out, they’re not on “The Doctors” or anything like that, but they are worthy of recognition and admiration.

A few examples:

Gordon Bonnyman: A lawyer and advocate of Tenncare, an innovative and controversial experiment in Tennessee that aimed for universal coverage. It ultimately failed due to budget cutbacks and a variety of other reasons.

Teresa Coughlin: A senior fellow at the Urban Institute. Among many other things, she conducted research about how well Florida Medicaid recipients understood the extremely complicated reforms that occurred in 2006 under the premise of increasing choice and benefit variation and providing incentives for healthy behaviors (personally, the only thing I’m confident I understand about Florida Medicaid reform is that it involved a lot of paperwork). She and her colleagues demonstrated that, unsurprisingly, people had great difficulty understand the details of the plans, or even knowing that they were enrolled in the plans.

One of the core issues in assessing consumer-choice models is the degree to which individuals have the ability to make informed choices among different plans, which is central to the success of a competitive model. Informed choice presumes that key information on enrolling in and using a plan are communicated in a way that is easily accessible. It also presumes that sound plan information (for example, information on provider networks and prescription drug formularies) is readily available. Equally important, people must be able to use the information to make the complicated decisions required to ensure that they select a plan that meets their needs and preferences. Previous studies, however, indicate that understanding and acting on health care information is a problem for nearly half of the general population. Making sound decisions may be an even greater challenge for Medicaid populations, as research indicates that advanced age, limited formal education, and poor health status—characteristics common among program recipients—are associated with poorer health literacy.

Robert Reich: Ok, this guy is famous, and he DOES have his own movie (check it out – it’s great!) But take a look at this facebook status he posted today:

Behind the political theater over Obamacare – from the botched rollout to yesterday’s false claim it will increase unemployment – is a reality that’s barely mentioned, not well understood, but the most important of all: It’s leading to the biggest consolidation of insurers and health providers in history. Giant insurers like WellPoint are taking on an ever-greater share of enrollees, hospitals are merging into huge systems, and physicians are fast becoming system employees. Last year alone 247 hospitals merged, three times as many as in 2008. A decade ago, hospitals owned a quarter of all physician practices; by 2011 they owned half. Why? Because large insurers and giant hospital systems are each racing to increase economies of scale and market power over the other — in order to capture more of the revenues from the Affordable Care Act as well as an expanded Medicaid and, not the least, the surge in baby-boomer Medicare.

The endgame here is either (1) huge healthcare monopolies that rake in tens of billions of dollars a year while delivering mediocre services, or (2) a single-payer system with regulated prices that turn on healthy outcomes. I predict (2), within the next decade. Which do you predict?

It’s these people that remind me that we are in class war, for lack of a less divisive term, and it’s composed of everyday, local battles. We can’t fight them all, but we can choose an aspect of to gain expertise in. We can support each other through diverse causes, recognizing that many struggles fall under the same umbrella. And eventually, I still think, we will succeed in holding the flood gates against special interests and will be able to forge a more just society.

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It’s no secret that the ACA is experiencing growing pains at best and is in crisis at worst. Plagued by website concerns and the fact that many states are not committed to the Medicaid expansion, actually manifesting the increased coverage that is so central to the bill is proving to be much more difficult. Robert Reich recently remarked on his Facebook page regarding the problems with ACA implementation, “…if the problems continue, it won’t be only Democrats in trouble but the entire idea that government can do something complex and well. Yet, ironically, it won’t be the government that determines whether or not the system works as promised; it will be an array of private for-profit contractors and insurers.”

Again we see private industry creating problems but our government taking the blame in the public’s eye.

SCOTUS’ decision to allow states to choose whether to expand Medicaid created a new “donut hole” that’s particularly worrisome – people who do not qualify for Medicaid as it currently stands, but who make less than 138% of the poverty line (and thus do not qualify for the federal subsidies to purchase insurance through the exchange) have absolutely no options for health insurance! Because they were supposed to be covered under the new expanded Medicaid, no other provisions for their coverage were made.

It is extremely important that Medicaid expansion happen in every state, but we need to keep a close eye on how it’s done.

In some previous posts I’ve talked about states’ ideas for implementing Medicaid expansion and how Virginia, like many other states, seems to be leaning in the direction of increasing managed care. This basically amounts to awarding contracts to private insurance companies to handle the administration of Medicaid, with the idea that private companies will know how to better decrease costs as well as increase efficiency. Generally (but not always) this means that private companies are paid a fixed rate per enrollee, which is usually a percentage (usually around 95%) of what patients are costing the state, on average, under the prior fee for service system. Good data exists regarding this tactic in Medicare. Contracting to private companies via Medicare Advantage increases costs because programs have consistently found ways to cherry-pick for the healthiest seniors, thus minimizing risks, and have higher administrative costs than traditional Medicare.  It is estimated that Medicare private plans have resulted in overpayments of over a quarter-trillion dollars from 1985 – 2012!

However, the impact of Medicaid Managed Care on cost, access, and quality of care is more difficult to assess on a national level because Medicaid is a state program and significant variability exists between states. The patient population of Medicaid is also significantly different than Medicare. Yet there is some emerging evidence that the impact is negative, especially when for-profit companies handle care:

1) A recent study by McCue and Bailit directly compared publicly-traded with non-publicly traded Medicaid Managed Care plans and found “publicly traded plans that focused primarily on Medicaid enrollees paid out the lowest percentage of their Medicaid premium revenues in medical expenses and reported the highest percentage in administrative expenses across different types of health plans. The publicly traded plans also received lower scores for quality-of care measures related to preventive care, treatment of chronic conditions, members’ access to care, and customer service.”

2) The state of Connecticut recently ended their contracts with multiple managed care organizations (MCOs) after an independent investigation, citing concerns about insufficient transparency regarding allocation of funds and burgeoning administrative costs.

I spoke with a few physicians who provide care to a large population of patients with Medicaid about differences they’ve noticed with the Managed Care companies vs fee for service. These companies seem to increase administrative burden on physicians by ensuring “quality measures” are met. A few examples – reminders to place patients on ACE inhibitors (when many of the patients are already on these medications, but just not registered by the company), or “Members who turned 15 months old during measurement year and had at least 6 well child visits since birth.” While important aspects to consider, it’s easy to see how satisfying them may not necessarily lead to better outcomes (but give the appearance of such to policymakers). It’s even easier to see how these may balloon into huge administrative bloat for already busy doctors.

Still, many states are expected to increase their involvement with private insurance companies in expanding Medicaid.  Why? The myth persists that private companies, because they are subject to the invisible hand, will streamline administrative costs and improve quality or risk failure. All available evidence points to the contrary, because healthcare does not function like other markets. 

 

Medicaid Managed Care proponents say that coordinating care of people with chronic diseases/conditions is necessary to help them navigate the confusing system and keep them out of the hospital living longer, healthier lives. How could any multi-payer system possibly do that better, and with less administrative burden, than a single payer one? That would allow for the optimum, most efficient coordination of care, as well as quality evaluation.

Let’s work to keep an eye on further privatization of Medicaid. An example of an organization doing just this is Community Catalyst, a consumer advocacy group that conducts research and writes publications about healthcare reform, including Medicaid Managed Care. 

When these market-based experiments fail, we need advocates to step in swiftly with evidence-based explanations in order to prevent the needless suffering of patients and further waste of taxpayer money.

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